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Book Excerpt: “Celluloid Psychos: Which Film Monsters Are Most Realistic?” From ‘Gory Details’

CELLULOID PSYCHOS
Which film monsters are most realistic?

Fun fact: Real-life violent psychopaths aren’t usually wild-eyed serial killers who laugh maniacally as they murder people, as they do in campy films. But the character of Anton Chigurh from the Coen brothers’ No Country for Old Men is a little closer to the mark. He quietly walks up holding a bolt gun, and by the time you can say, “Hey, what’s that thi—” . . . it’s ka-chunk, and you’re dead.

That’s more what an actual psychopath—a person who feels no empathy for others—is like, according to forensic psychiatrist Samuel Leistedt, who has interviewed and diagnosed many of them. Although in pop culture we tend to equate psychopaths with crazed killers, Leistedt describes them as cold-blooded. “They don’t know what an emotion is,” he observes.

In 2014, Leistedt and his colleague Paul Linkowski reported on the three years they spent watching 400 movies looking for realistic portrayals of psychopaths. (This means that in the name of science, they not only viewed Alfred Hitchcock’s legendary Psycho, but also sat through Pootie Tang.) Learning to diagnose a psychopath isn’t easy, Leistedt says. For one thing, students get limited chances to interview real-life cases as part of their training—and many start out with misconceptions about what a psychopath is.

Based on their portrayal in popular culture, most people believe psychopaths to be dangerous criminals, even serial killers. But in reality, most violent offenders aren’t psychopaths, and most people who exhibit psychopathic traits aren’t criminals. Psychiatrists define psychopaths not by violent behavior, but by a suite of extreme personality traits. They’re superficially charming, deceptive, manipulative, impulsive, and grandiose, meaning they have an outsize sense of superiority. They lack empathy for others and don’t feel guilt or remorse. The condition is usually diagnosed using the Hare Psychopathy Checklist-Revised, or PCL-R, devised by criminal psychologist Robert Hare. A score of more than 30 out of 40 is considered diagnostic of psychopathy, which Hare has estimated to occur in perhaps one percent of the population.

And yet, psychopathy is not listed as a mental illness in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (or DSM), the authoritative guide for American psychiatry. Instead, the manual describes antisocial personality disorder, which shares similarities with psychopathy but is defined less by personality traits and more by a pattern of behavior that includes illegal acts. (Perhaps as many as 50 to 80 percent of prisoners meet the criteria for antisocial personality disorder, but only about 15 percent qualify as psychopaths based on the PCL-R.)

As for the causes of psychopathy, there’s long been a debate about biology versus environment, or “nature versus nurture.” Certainly both are important, and some researchers believe that people with psychopathy are either born (essentially “hard- wired” in the brain) or made—often as children raised in violent, chaotic environments.

However psychopathy is created, neuroscientists have learned a bit about what sets people with psychopathy apart. For instance, scientists have found parts of the brain that appear to function differently in people with psychopathy than in the average person—including the amygdala, which is important for processing emotions. Some studies have also documented that the parts of the brain linked to empathy and self-control are less active in those with psychopathy. Moreover, their brains’ reward system seems to be on overdrive, making them thrill seekers as well. Still, much remains unknown; it’s not clear, for instance, what role genes play in psychopathy. So far, no particular gene or suite of genes has emerged that “creates” psychopathy.

Bearing in mind all that’s known on the subject so far, Leistedt and his team decided to “diagnose” fictional psychopaths in movies in an effort to establish accurate portrayals and to under- stand popular misconceptions. Using the PCL-R and classifications outlined by forensic psychologist Hugues Hervé and psychiatrist Benjamin Karpman, Leistedt and other psychiatrists started reviewing films. First they weeded out clearly unrealistic characters, such as those with magical powers or who were invincible; that whittled down the original 400 films to 126 made between 1915 and 2010, portraying 105 male and 21 female* potential psychopaths.

Ultimately, the films served as a kind of social history of how psychopathy has been viewed since the early 20th century. In the early days of Hollywood, psychopathy was generally portrayed with caricatures of villains: gangsters, murderers, and mad sci- entists with bizarre affectations and a compulsion to kill for no apparent reason.

Later, real-life cases of serial killers came to light, starting with Ed Gein in 1957, and moving on to Ted Bundy and Jeffrey Dahmer. As this kind of criminal psychopathy came to be better known, movie psychopaths became more like them—or at least, like the parts of their behavior that Hollywood directors found compelling. We got the sexually deviant misfit, like Norman Bates in Psycho (1960) and the chaotic mass killer of the slasher genre, like Michael Myers of the Halloween series.

Finally, as Leistedt and his team reported in the Journal of Forensic Sciences in 2014, a growing fascination with the minds of psychopathy has led to more nuanced, and sometimes real- istic, portrayals of their behaviors and personalities. Instead of giggling killers with facial tics, at least a few of today’s depictions have more depth, giving a “compelling glimpse into the complex human psyche,” they observed.


* Psychopathy is generally believed to be more common in men than in women. However, in recent years researchers have pointed out that the behavior traits used to diagnose psychopathy may be more characteristic of male, as opposed to female, psychopaths. As a result, there’s no firm breakdown.

In recent years, Hollywood has been perhaps most enamored of the so-called “successful psychopaths”: those who use their psychopathic traits to their own advantage, often gaining the trust of others and then using them to acquire money or power. Leistedt notes that the fascination took hold in the wake of the financial crisis and high-profile trials like that of Bernard Mad- off. (Apparently, vicious stockbrokers are the new bogeymen. Instead of disemboweling their victims, they gut their bank accounts.)

Here are a few examples of the best and worst film psychopathy portrayals, according to Leistedt’s study.

FRIGHTENINGLY REALISTIC:

Michael Corleone, The Godfather: Part II (1974)
The Mafioso is a classic example of the criminal psychopath, which Leistedt and his colleagues say is probably one of the most common types of psychopathy to appear in films. As a young man, Corleone doesn’t want to enter the family business, but as a Mafia boss, he becomes a ruthless killer.
Diagnosis: Secondary, macho psychopathy

Gordon Gekko, Wall Street (1987)
Gekko is a realistic portrayal of a successful psychopath, Leistedt says “probably one of the most interesting, manipulative, psycho- pathic fictional characters to date,” he and his colleagues conclude in their paper. Leistedt adds that the story of real-life con man Jordan Belfort in the 2013 film The Wolf of Wall Street makes for an interesting portrayal as well: “These guys are greedy, manipulative, [and] they lie, but they’re not physically aggressive.”
Diagnosis: Primary, manipulative psychopathy

Anton Chigurh, No Country for Old Men (2007)
This contract killer hauls around a bolt pistol attached to a tank of compressed air: a handy tool for shooting out locks in doors and for shooting people in the head. Leistedt says Chig- urh is his favorite portrayal of a psychopath. “He does his job and he can sleep without any problems. In my practice I have met a few people like this,” he admits. In particular, Chigurh reminds him of two real-life professional hit men he inter- viewed. “They were like this: cold, smart, no guilt, no anxiety, no depression.”
Diagnosis: Primary, classic/idiopathic psychopathy

SCARY, BUT NOT REALISTIC:

Norman Bates, Psycho (1960)
After the 1957 arrest of real-life serial killer Ed Gein—a case involving cannibalism, necrophilia, and a troubled maternal relationship—horror films about serial murder took off. The character of Norman Bates was inspired in part by Gein, launching a genre dedicated to portraying misfits, often with a sexual motivation to kill. This kind of behavior became closely linked to psychopathy, but Gein was more likely psychotic, meaning out of touch with reality. Psychosis, which is a completely different diagnosis from psychopathy, often involves delusions and hallucinations.
Diagnosis: Pseudopsychopathy, psychosis

Hannibal Lecter, The Silence of the Lambs (1991)
Yes, he scares the bejesus out of me, too. But Lecter’s almost superhuman intelligence and cunning are just not typical among, well, anyone, let alone psychopaths. Lecter is a perfect example of the “elite psychopath” that became a pop-culture icon in the 1980s and 1990s. This calm, in-control character has sophisticated tastes and manners (think Chianti and jazz), an exceptional skill in killing, and a vain and “almost catlike demeanor,” the researchers write, adding, “These traits, especially in combination, are generally not present in real psychopaths.” In fact, the sense of grandiosity in people with psychopathy doesn’t square with studies of their actual IQs, which show no clear difference in their intelligence compared with the rest of the population.
Diagnosis: Lecter’s unrealistic blend of skills and traits makes him an ideal villain, but undiagnosable.

 

Movies aside, successful, nonviolent psychopathy can be found in all walks of life, as prominent neuroscientist James Fallon would discover the hard way. Fallon was studying the brains of people with psychopathy when one of the PET scans he’d done for a dif- ferent study, on Alzheimer’s disease, jumped out at him. It displayed the exact features he’d discerned in psychopaths—interesting, until he realized he was looking at his own brain. (Fallon had served as one of the controls for his study, with no idea he would uncover something so disturbing.)

When he considered his past behavior, Fallon realized he does possess some psychopathic* traits, including risktaking. But he’s also had a successful career and stable relationships, and he’s certainly not a killer. Instead, he considers himself a “pro-social psychopath,” a term that some psychologists have used to describe people who have trouble feeling empathy for others, but are able to behave in socially appropriate ways.

Certainly, not all psychopathy is created equal, and current research backs the idea that people with the condition can lead very different lives, depending on their circumstances and par- ticular blend of traits. Thus Fallon, who had a good childhood and achieved a high level of education, became a neuroscientist instead of a criminal. Likewise, people who score high on a scale of fearless dominance—a suite of traits found in psychopathy— can often be successful leaders in the workplace. But those who fall into a category that psychologists call “self-centered impulsivity” tend to act out and get themselves into trouble.


* Fallon has also noted that he doesn’t have “full-blown” psychopathy, meaning he scored below the commonly accepted cutoff for psychopathy of 30 on the PCL-R fall into a category that psychologists call “self-centered impul- sivity” tend to act out and get themselves into trouble.

Scientists had long considered these troublesome psycho- paths a lost cause; because their brains are not equipped to feel empathy, the feeling went, they’d never grow a conscience. But there have been glimmers of hope for at least some children who show signs of developing psychopathy. Punishing these kids has no effect on their behavior, so at the Mendota Juvenile Treatment Center in Wisconsin, researchers are taking a different approach. Staff at the center compensate kids for good behavior, no matter how small, taking advantage of the psychopathic brain’s amped-up reward system. The idea is to teach them to behave in socially appropriate ways, even if they don’t actually develop empathy.

It may be helping. Of 248 juvenile delinquents tracked for nearly five years after their release from correctional centers, the 101 treated at Mendota were around half as likely to commit violent crimes. Most important, none of them were arrested for killing anyone during that time, although kids from other facili- ties killed 16 people.

Not killing people may sound like a low bar—but it’s an important one. As we learn more about psychopathy and how the brains of these people work, the hope is that we’ll develop new treatments. At the very least, we might learn to depict them more accurately in pop culture, which could help us spot the ones we may encounter in real life. After all, there’s no need for a maniacal laugh. Someone with true psychopathy, who feels no empathy and no remorse, is scary enough.

TYPES OF PSYCHOPATHY

Primary versus secondary psychopathy: Primary psychopaths are deficient in affect, or emotion, from birth, suggesting a genetic basis. They are often described as more aggressive and impulsive. Those with secondary psychopathy have been shaped by their environment, may have had an abusive childhood, and are often described as having more fear and anxiety than primary psychopaths.

SUBTYPES:

Classic/idiopathic: Score the highest on all sections of the widely used Hare Psychopathy Checklist-Revised, or PCL-R, showing low fear, lack of inhibition, and lack of empathy

Manipulative: Tend to be good “talkers” and associated with crimes involving fraud

Macho: Lack the glibness and charm of the previous groups but manipulate through force and intimidation

Pseudopsychopaths: Also called sociopaths; show antisocial behavior but score lowest among these groups on the PCL-R

PSYCHOPATHY CHECKLIST

The most commonly used checklist for diagnosing psychopathy is the Hare Psychopathy Checklist-Revised. It assesses 20 traits, and subjects are scored for each, using zero (does not have the trait), one (somewhat applies), or two (definitely applies). These are the 20 traits of psychopathy:

  • glib and superficial charm
  • grandiose (exaggeratedly high) estimation of self
  • need for stimulation
  • pathological lying
  • cunning and manipulativeness
  • lack of remorse or guilt
  • shallow affect (superficial emotional responsiveness)
  • callousness and lack of empathy
  • parasitic lifestyle
  • poor behavioral controls
  • sexual promiscuity
  • early behavior problems
  • lack of realistic long-term goals
  • impulsivity
  • irresponsibility
  • failure to accept responsibility for own actions
  • many short-term marital relationships
  • juvenile delinquency
  • parole violations
  • criminal versatility

 


Excerpted from GORY DETAILS: Adventures from the Dark Side of Science, copyright 2021; Erika Engelhaupt. Reprinted with permission from National Geographic.

Erika Engelhaupt is the author of GORY DETAILS (March 2, 2021; National Geographic). She has spent more than a decade writing and editing for top science publications, including National Geographic, Science News, Scientific American, the Philadelphia Inquirer and NPR. Her love of storytelling has also brought her out from behind the laptop to appear onstage and in podcasts such as the Story Collider. She began her career as a scientist, and spent years writing and editing reviews of nonfiction science books at Science News. She lives in Knoxville, Tennessee. You can visit her online at erikaengelhaupt.com.

 

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